The killing was ordered by a khap panchayat (khap), a religious caste-based council among Jats, in their Karora village in Kaithal district, Haryana.[3] The khap passed a decree prohibiting marriage against societal norms. Such caste-based councils are common in the inner regions of several Indian states, including Haryana, Punjab, western Uttar Pradesh and parts of Rajasthan, and have been operating with government approval for years.[4] In any event, the state government expressed no concern about the ruling of the khap panchayat.[5]
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In March 2010, a Karnal district court sentenced the five perpetrators to death, the first time an Indian court had done so in an honour killing case. The khap head who ordered but did not take part in the killings received a life sentence, and the driver involved in the abduction a seven-year prison term. According to Home Minister P. Chidambaram, the UPA-led central government was to propose an amendment to the Indian Penal Code (IPC) in response to the deaths of Manoj and Babli, making honour killings a "distinct offense".[7][8][9]
Furious with the marriage, Babli's family asked for intervention from the local khap panchayat,[18] which annulled the marriage.[9] The khap also announced a social boycott on Manoj's family. Anyone who kept ties with them would be fined Rs. 25,000.[10][13] Ompati tried to persuade her family that Babli did nothing dishonourable and that she and Manoj would move back home soon.[4]
Bahadur[26] was satisfied with the decision, "Out of seven accused, five have been given death sentences. This will send a strong message to the public that law is greater than the khap."[45] However, he was disappointed that "the leader [Ganga Raj] got away with death penalty because he intentionally disappeared during the killing."[39] Narendra said, "We will appeal in High Court for death penalty to the main accused, Ganga Raj. We respect the court's decision but he should be punished so that the instigators of the crime get the punishment. Also it is important that it is a very clear message so that no khap gives such directions, ever."[45] Seema seconded Narendra's concerns, "We would have been happier if the main accused was also given the death sentence. The decision of the panchayat was not justified and people should not to be allowed to misuse their power. We have fought this battle alone when no one was supporting us." She requested more security for her family, "They tried to bribe us to withdraw the case then they threatened that they would kill us if we didn't withdraw the FIR. Even after the decision we're afraid of a backlash from the Khap Panchayat."[45]
The case was the first resulting in the conviction of khap panchayats[23][39][49] and the first capital punishment verdict in an honour killing case in India.[50][51] The Indian media and legal experts hailed it as a "landmark judgement", a victory over these infamous assemblies, which acted for years with impunity as parallel judicial bodies. Also, few honour killing cases went to court, and this was the first case in which the groom's family in an honour killing filed the case.[6][40][45][52] In a statement to the press, former Home Minister Chidambaram slammed the khap panchayats, asking tersely, "Who are these khap panchayats? Who gave them the right to kill in the name of honour?"[53]
On 5 August 2010, in a Parliament session, Chidambaram proposed a bill that included "public stripping of women and externment of young couples from villages and any 'act which is humiliating will be punished with severity'" in the definition of honour killing[83] and that would "make khap-dictated honour killings a distinct offence so that all those who participate in the decision are liable to attract the death sentence".[9] He insinuated that the proposed law would place the "onus of proof on the accused".[83][84] A July 2010 The Times of India article anticipated that the bill would not pass in the monsoon session of Parliament in the same year.[9]
A significant reason for this increase in honor killings is because women and girls are becoming more aware of their rights; for example, they are not accepting forced marriage and want to have the freedom to choose their future spouses, their education and jobs, and to be present in public life shoulder to shoulder with men. They are in short demanding their personal freedom. However, at the same time, many Iranian men have not developed modern ideas about personal freedom and gender equity. They enjoy having the power to control women and resist these cultural changes.
The book also includes a carefully curated set of case studies and policy approaches illuminating different ways that countries have either allowed or limited violence in the name of honour, and how activists have or have not succeeded in raising public awareness or influencing policy. While these are useful tools for practitioners and advocates, who are presumably the target audience of this book, the conceptual framing of the text and the analysis of the various provisions lay fertile ground for future work.
Practitioners and advocates familiar with the issue of honour crimes will also be familiar with many of the names and concepts in this book, but will still want to have it on their shelves because of its global perspective and its detailed case studies of advocacy and legislative efforts in places as wide-ranging as Scandinavia, India, Canada, Germany and the United Kingdom. If there is one drawback to this book it is that these concepts must make their way into wider circulation if they are to have any meaningful policy impact. Emerging scholarship on the role of media coverage in influencing policy (Baum and Potter, 2008) shows us that, contrary to earlier thinking in media studies, media, public opinion and policymaking are part of a synthetic, symbiotic interrelationship. This book still seems to work within a bidirectional model of media influence in advocacy, in which media can influence policymaking or the other way around.
The girls belonged to the Umrani tribe and were between the age of 16 to 18. According to Human Rights watch, a group of men from the tribe kidnapped the girls, shot them without killing them, took them to a rural area and dragged them to a pit. While the girls were still alive, they were buried.
Three women and two men were killed in the name of honour in Jaffarabad, Mastung and Hub areas during the past one day, reported Dawn citing police.In the Goth Faqir Mohammad area of the Jaffarabad district, a man gunned down his young wife a nephew on Friday evening.
And in the Hub area, a woman, Mah Jan, was allegedly gunned down by her second husband on Saturday. It is the recent rise in the cases of honour killings in Pakistan. Despite the assurances by the authorities, such violence are on the rise in many regions of the country.
With such cases, Pakistan is witnessing an alarming rise in the number of honour killings as it claimed 176 lives last year, mostly including women, according to the Sindh Suhai Sath, a non-governmental organisation.
They pointed out that charge sheets were filed in 649 honour killing cases but only 19 of the accused were convicted. Those nominated in 136 cases were acquitted while 494 cases were pending a trial. They noted with concern that the conviction rate appeared to be around two per cent, and attributed the position to weak prosecution, slackness on the part of police and anomalies in the law and justice system.
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One time, he jumped onto one of the pillboxes from the side, shoved the nozzle of his 70-pound flamethrower into an air vent pipe and fired, killing everyone inside. Another time, he charged bayonet-wielding enemies and killed them with one burst of flame.
[14] Due to the fact that the highest numbers of honour" crimes occur in European countries where percentage of Muslim minority is significant, the thesis that emergence of the phenomenon in Europe results from migration process seems to be correct. Similarly, the expected growth of Muslim's minorities in the West might increase the "honour" crimes phenomenon in upcoming years. Many researchers emphasize, that the problem is far from resolving and it is not a temporary issue regarding only the first generation of immigrants, but rather an indigenous and self-perpetuating one that is carried out by present (third or fourth) immigrants' generation. Taking into consideration all these facts suggesting that the phenomenon of "honour" killings is (unfortunately) actual and growing, the effective strategies to eradicate the problem are needed. Proper knowledge and understanding of the issue by official agencies responsible for fighting with violence is crucial. 4. THE BRITISH STRATEGY FOR COMBATING HONOUR BASED VIOLENCE The following part of this publication presents an analysis of dangers arising from the development of this phenomenon in Poland, accompanied by the case-study, as well as the measures that are need to be applied to appropriately combat the negative effects of the issue. For this purpose, a short examination of the programs designed to fight "honour" based violence that have been engaged in United Kingdom serves as a starting point to discussion and an example of well organised development of such measures in the country which is strongly affected by the issue. In United Kingdom, the country where the percentage of Muslim-origin immigrants is quite significant, the model of multicultural society had been functioning impeccably for a long time. The scepticism regarding this approach started emerging in 2001, when some serious race riots between Asian and white communities occurred United Kingdom. The crisis of existing immigrant policy arose as a result of terrorist attack in USA on 11th September 2001. Four years later, British multicultural model de facto collapsed, as the bombing attack on metro in London was carried out by individuals of foreign origin born or brought up in Great Britain. A lot of queries pertaining the failure of immigrants, assimilation and integration were raised questioning the effectiveness of British model. 2ff7e9595c
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